A press conference was held on Wednesday, August 6, at 12:30 PM at the Al-Falah Auditorium in Moghbazar. The official reaction of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami was presented at this event regarding the "July Declaration" announced by the Honorable Chief Adviser on August 5 and his address to the nation.

Secretary General of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and former Member of Parliament, Professor Mia Golam Porwar; Assistant Secretary Generals Maulana ATM Masum, Dr. Hamidur Rahman Azad (former MP), Maulana Abdul Halim, Advocate Muazzam Hossain Helal, and Advocate Ahsanul Mahboob Zubair (Head of the Publicity and Media Department); Central Executive Committee Member Saiful Alam Khan Milon, Advocate Motiur Rahman Akand (Secretary of the Publicity and Media Department), Central Executive Council members Abdur Rob, Mobarak Hossain, Dhaka North City Ameer Mohammad Selim Uddin, and Central Working Committee Member and Central Office Secretary Maulana AFM Abdu’s Sattar were present during the press meet.

At the well-attended press conference, Jamaat-e-Islami’s Nayeb-e-Ameer and former Member of Parliament Dr. Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher presented a written statement on behalf of the party.

Dear Journalist friends,
Assalamu Alaikum wa Rahmatullah.
I warmly welcome you all to this press conference.
As you know, the fall of fascism occurred through the student and public uprising in July–August 2024, following sixteen years of oppression, enforced disappearances, killings, and persecution. History has witnessed the downfall of many tyrants and many popular struggles against oppressive rulers. But the way the regime of 2024 fell in Bangladesh is truly exceptional. The credit goes entirely to the people. All political parties, students, teachers, and guardians from universities, schools, colleges, madrasas, street vendors, and laborers — by the end of July, the movement had taken on such a universal form as never seen before.

The people's aspiration was to ensure that fascism never returns to Bangladesh, that misrule never reemerges, and that a just, corruption-free, and discrimination-free society is established. The general public expressed their desire to restore democratic governance, the right to assembly, freedom of speech, and the right to vote. In light of these aspirations, the people entrusted the current interim government with responsibility. Embracing the events of the July movement, the demand for the July Declaration and the July National Charter has come from all corners. The National Consensus Commission has held long dialogues with political parties on these issues as well.

Dear Journalist friends,
On August 5, at the South Plaza of the National Parliament, the Chief Adviser of the interim government read out the 28-point July Declaration through a modest ceremony. This declaration by the Honorable Chief Adviser is an incomplete statement. It failed to reflect the expectations of the masses. Although it mentions the long struggle, it ignores the 1947 independence. It also omits the Pilkhana massacre, Shapla massacre, and the October 28 massacre. The roles of Islamic scholars, madrasa teachers and students, expatriates, and online activists in the July uprising were not acknowledged too — which is a clear injustice and neglect of history. The turning point of the July uprising was the 9-point demand, which was later transformed into a single-point demand — yet this too was completely left out of the declaration.

Dear Journalist friends,
The main aspiration of the July uprising was state reform. For this, six commissions were to be formed, and the National Consensus Commission conducted activities for over two months in two phases. Based on consensus in 19 areas, it was decided to formulate the July National Charter. Yet, none of this was mentioned in the July Declaration read by the Chief Adviser. The declaration failed to indicate when or how it would be implemented, rendering it insignificant. By leaving the responsibility of implementation to the next government, the July spirit — born from the sacrifices and blood of thousands — has been trampled upon, along with the people’s hopes and aspirations.

Since the aftermath of the July revolution, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami has been consistently calling for the restoration of democratic governance and the establishment of a justice-based, corruption-free society through reforms, accountability for mass killings, and the holding of free and fair elections. The party has conditionally supported the election timeline (December–June) announced by the Chief Adviser of the government.

Our expectation was that the Chief Adviser would hold discussions with political parties. The nation has been shocked and surprised by his failure to do so. Ignoring the long-standing tradition of consulting with political parties before announcing an election date, the election timeline was declared on the very day of the July Declaration. Nevertheless, for the greater interest of the nation, we view the announcement by the Honorable Chief Adviser in a positive light.

Dear Journalist friends,
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami is an election-oriented party. In all credible elections in the past, Jamaat-e-Islami participated and held representation in the National Parliament. The party is currently engaged in election preparations across the country. However, we observe that the government has yet to ensure the environment necessary for a proper election. Therefore, to hold a free, fair, impartial, and acceptable election according to the timeline announced by the Chief Adviser, it is imperative that the election process is arranged based on the July National Charter. To this end, the interim government must provide legal grounding to the July National Charter, which the National Consensus Commission is in the process of formulating.

There are historical precedents for providing legal legitimacy to uprisings and movements. For instance, after the 1969 mass uprising, the 1970 election was held under a Legal Framework Order (LFO). The Constituent Assembly formed from the elected members of that election later approved the Constitution of 1972.
Similarly, the Provisional Mujibnagar Government led the Liberation War for ten months based on a Declaration of Independence, and governed the country until the post-independence government was formed. After the change of power in 1975, President Ziaur Rahman assumed responsibility as the Chief Martial Law Administrator. Through party formation, governance, and transitioning from military administrator to president, he governed the country from 1975 to 1979, securing his authority and legitimacy through referendums and ordinances — which were later ratified by Parliament.

Furthermore, after the 1990 mass uprising, a free and fair election was held under Justice Shahabuddin’s caretaker government, based on the framework agreed upon by the three alliances. However, due to the lack of a legal foundation, other elements of that framework could not be implemented.
Given all these precedents, what obstacle now stands in the way of providing a legal foundation to the July National Declaration?

Dear Journalist friends,
It is our earnest expectation that, before the announcement of the schedule for the upcoming national election, the formulation of the July National Charter be completed without delay and granted legal standing through an ordinance, Legal Framework Order (LFO), or a referendum. Without such a legal foundation, the reform initiatives of the interim government will prove futile.

Therefore, to ensure a free, fair, and credible election, a level playing field must be created for all political parties. In addition, the effective roles of all relevant forces and institutions must be ensured. The government and administration must be freed from those who were collaborators of autocracy. Neutrality must be ensured at all levels of the administration, including the Election Commission.

Dear Journalist friends,
The people of Bangladesh had been waiting with high hopes for the July National Declaration. As those expectations remain unmet, deep concern and anxiety about the country's future have emerged among the masses. Families of martyrs and the wounded, along with the fighters of the July uprising, are now experiencing renewed distress and tension. The public remains unclear about the structure and roadmap for the formulation and implementation of the July National Charter through the Consensus Commission.

In this context, we urge the government to immediately incorporate the essential elements of public expectation, as mentioned above, into the July Declaration.
At the same time, we also demand that — following the precedent set by Bangladesh's past — the formulation of the July National Charter be completed without delay, and that the current government itself implement it, ensuring that the upcoming election is held on the basis of this Charter, in a free, fair, and acceptable manner.
On behalf of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, I express heartfelt gratitude to all of you for patiently listening to my statement.

Outside the formal address, Dr. Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher said: "As you all know, the Honorable Jamaat Ameer has long been clearly presenting our position regarding the national election. On April 16, he had stated before the journalists that holding the election before Ramadan, i.e., in February, would be more appropriate. We believe that the Chief Adviser’s announcement yesterday—fixing the tentative date for the national election within February—reflects Jamaat Ameer’s timely proposal. We view this announcement positively."

He further said: “There is a political tradition in Bangladesh that before announcing the date of the national election, the head of government consults with political parties. Even the Election Commission takes decisions through discussions with major political parties. We hope that the government and the Election Commission will respect this democratic and traditional practices and engage in proper consultations with the relevant political parties.”

At this time, Dr. Taher also answered various questions from journalists.